The Mlabri traditionally used bamboo tubes for boiling and wooden skewer for roasting. Large pieces of meat were thrown directly into the fire. They ate and shared everything with all of members in a band (Ikeya & Nakai 2009; Pookajorn 1992).
The Mlabri’s traditional lifestyle continued until around 1975 (Trier 2008), but it has gradually changed since then. The main cause was deforestation (Rischel 1995) due to agricultural expansion, logging and road construction (Delang 2002).
The Mlabri are still practicing hunting and gathering today, but it is much more limited. Mlabri’s consumption of food directly hunted or gathered from the forest has decreased since 1970s and at present amounts to only 7% of average food weight. Under the influence of cash economy, they sometimes sell the the games to the Hmong because they can get more food from that amount of money. The money or bought food is sharing according to the traditional social principle of sharing (Nimonjiya 2015).
Nimonjiya informs that sedentarization also has an impact on the social life of the Mlabri. Young generations were born and raised in permanent settlements, the adults usually work so hard in the fields that they didn’t have time to go into the forest (Nimonjiya 2015). Mlabri traditional ecological knowledge is losing ground – in place of the oral history TV attracts all of them nowadays (Nimonjiya & Holzinger 2014), only during the rainy season when power supply stops occasionally do parents tell their children old stories (Nimonjiya 2014).
Estimated consumption of food in % by weight (Trier 2008):
Marriage rites as performed in most societies do not exist in Mlabri society. Since its population is very limited, the marriage of any couple is known without any public rite (Herda 2002). Remarriage can be done only after a divorce or the death of the former spouse. One can’t marry a person who is a relative. The rate of divorce and changing of spouses is rather high in this society. There are several normative rules that have to be abided:
– Sexual relations between close kin are prohibited. There is the incest taboo which controls the relations between siblings including co-siblings.
– Sexual relations between cousins, including both cross and parallel cousins, are also prohibited.
– Premarital sexual experimentation is not allowed in any case.
– Sexual relations can’t be done with anyone other than his spouse (Paiyaphrohm 1990).
Pookajorn (1988, 1985) gives the information about the mobility of Mlabri. Their residental moves per year are 24 times, average distance is 19 km (with total distance of 196 km). Logistical mobility is 1 day and primary biomass is 35,7 kg per square meter. Total area of mobility is 2826 square kilometers.
Music and dances were very important in the traditional life of the Mlabri. Music is a part of recreational and ritual activities of human society. For Mlabri music is a relaxation when they success in hunting or have a celebration, a festival, for spirit sacrifice or burial ceremony. The only one musical instrument they have is a “khaen”, and a type of songs accompanied by a khaen is named “molum Mlabri” (Paiyaphrohm 1990).
Khaen is a type of musical instrument (mouth organ), commonly found in Northeast Thailand. It is made of bamboo tubes, hollow wood and beewax. No Mlabri musicians make it, that may indicate that Mlabri obtain it from outsiders or they had already forgotten how to make it. Moreover, it is remarkable that Mlabri can’t play Hmong khaen even though they have been in contact with them for a long time. Besides Hmong believe that khaen is a high-class musical instrument, they aren’t allowed to play it without some ceremony except for themselves, so Mlabri have no occasion to play on it.
Mlabri songs are in both Mlabri language and in Lao (Harris 1986). It is possible that they copy from Lao songs, which are called “molum”, because they had lived in Laos before migrating to Thailand. The songs’ tempo is rather slow. They rarely have a rhyme between words or sentences. A singer will chant with the melody made by khaen. The singer continues singing impromptu songs, other persons will dance slowly. Their dancing is kneeing a little bit and raising hands with turning wrist like a circle. Someone will dance like animal’s walking and hopping. Sometimes they will clap to give a rhythm or use bamboo tubes for this purpose. They sing and dance till they are tired and then they finish (Paiyaphrohm 1990).
MONKEYS, SNAKES AND FOREST BEINGS
VEDDAHS
Cave dwelling of Wanniyala-aetto
Wanniyala-aetto (“wanniyalätto” – “forest beings”; “me-ätto” – “this being”) live in forests east of central mountains, between Mahiyangana and Maha Oya. This is the most “classical” Veddah, strongly associated with the indigenous people of Sri Lanka.
The physical measurements on the living Veddahs and the skeletal remains available help to fix the definitions of Veddahs anthropometrically, and not only with certain accuracy, but according to certain criteria the physical measurements can be used to establish the racial type and also to compare it with other types that are known. On such a basis the anthropologists have established a racial type called “Veddid” or “Veddoid” (Hill 1941).
Hominids were probably present in Sri Lanka by 130 000 BP, possibly 300 000 BP (Deraniyagala 1992). The word “Veddah” is derived from the Sanskrit word “Vyadha” → “Viaddha” → “Veddha” → “Veddah”, and means “a hunter” or “one who live by the chase”. Another synonym for Veddah is “sabara”, which has two meanings – “Veddah” (hunter) and “an area having sabara trees”. Sabaragamuwa province may have acquired this name because it is considered to be the original habitat of the Veddahs (Wijesekera 1964). Wijesekera (1964) supposed that the aboriginal inhabitants of Sri Lanka who came into contact or conflict with the numerous newcomers from India absorbed the Indian settlers, acquired their status and language and, with some admixture of Dravidian blood or without it, became the Kandyan Sinhalese. They may have occupied the caves before the early Christian era. When Buddhism became established and the caves were occupied by monks, these people left them. These were re-occupied much later but that time they had lost their traditions and language (Kennedy 1974).
The first record of indigenous people in Sri Lanka appears in two quasi-historical scriptures – the “Dipavamsa” (4
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Mahavamsath
YakkahsWithin the central Sri Lanka is situated “Mahayangana” (“Alutnuwara”) – the ancient assembling place of the “Yakkas” where, according to the “Mahawansa”, Lord Buddha appeared and struck terror into their hearts before propounding his doctrines. The “Mahavamsa” (Chapter 7) has recorded the story of the Yakkahs at Mahiyangana: “From Lanka filled with the Yakkahs, the Yakkahs must be driven forth… Mahiyangana was the customary meeting place of the Yakkahs, there was a great gathering of the Yakkahs dwelling in the Island” (Mahavamsa 1912). In about the time of Mahasena (277—304 A.D.) the Yakkahs appear to have been employed in building water tanks (Parker 1999). Most Wanniyala-aetto can’t read and write, they haven’t read the Sinhalese origin myth in the “Mahavamsa”, but the epics have been sung or told to them by literate Sinhalese. Parts of “Mahavamsa” subsequently been retold among the Wanniyala-aetto themselves until it has become an integrated part of their own history. The mythological history narrates that there were no humans in Sri Lanka, only evil spirits before the Sinhalese conqueror Vijaya arrived. Vijaya had a wife named “Kuveni”, a female spirit from Lanka, and they had a son and a daughter. Those children were the first Wanniyala-aetto. The siblings grew up and reproduced and the present Wanniyala-aetto are, according to the “Mahavamsa”, the result of that relationship. The Wanniyala-aetto who do not embrace the “Mahavamsa” story believe their ancestors have lived on Sri Lanka since time began, and do not trace their descent from any specific progenitor (Stegeborn 1993).
The earliest account (400 A.D.) about the Yakkas written by a foreigner, probably Palladius, is in “De Moribus Brachmanorum”. It mentions how a Theban traveler, who arrived to Ceylon in an Indian trading vessel from Axum, whilst travelling inland suddenly came upon the Besadae. He says that “these people are by far the smallest and weakest, they live in rock caves and know how to climb over the intricately massed rocks and thus gather pepper from the bushes” (Spittel 1957).
The Chinese traveler Yueng Chaing (700 A.D.) speaks of the Yakkahs as having retired to the South-East part of the island. The Arabic traveler Al-Beruni (1100 A.D.) describes the silent trade with savage “Ginn”. During the time of Parakramabahu (1163 A.D.) the “Kiratas” are mentioned thus: “There he sent his train of hunters, robbers and the like who were skilled in wandering by night in the wilderness of forest and mountain” (Cūlavamsa 1929). Who were the Yakkahs and what was their affinity to the Veddahs? The hunters referred to were probably Veddahs who were in the King’s retinue. “Kirata”, meaning “hunter”, is also used in Sanskrit to describe savage mountain tribe.
In 1675 Rijklof Van Goens, the Dutch Governor of Ceylon, gave a full description of the Veddas thus
“…A large number of Veddas or Beddas of Wellassa have been brought under. They should be carefully treated, neither too harshly nor too kindly. They should be made to work… fairly savage, they are brave fellows in the hunt and expert bowmen” (Spittel 1957).
Robert Knox (Knox 1681) mentioned that
“of these Natives there be two sorts wild and tame… For as in these woods there are wild beasts so wild men also. The land of Bintan is all covered with mighty woods filled with abundance of deer. In this Land are many of these wild men; they call themselves Vaddahs, dwelling near no other inhabitants. They speak the Chingulayes language. They kill deer, and dry the flesh over the fire, and the people of the country come and buy it of them. They never till any ground for corn, their food being only flesh. They are very expert with their bows. They have a little axe, which they stick by their sides, to cut honey out of hollow trees… They have no towns nor houses, only live by the waters under a tree, with some bought cut and laid about them, to give notice when any wild beasts come near, which they may hear by their rustling and trampling upon them”.
There is an information in Seligmanns’ book that Sinhalese of Vedirata told them that Veddah chiefs pay and offering to royal household in Kandy of honey, wax, and king might also invite their presence on special occasions. Each “Wanniya” bring with him a ceremonial fanlike ornament (which was still used by the Sinhalese chiefs) called “awupata” (literally “fan”), with an ornament made of wood or ivory on the top called “koraṇḍuwa” or “kota” (Seligmann 1911). Before the introducing of money, the barter was common. Trading places called “wadia” near the caves, but out of sight of them, under a tree or rock, were used for bartering.
There are four traditional occupations of the “Wanniyala-aetto”: hunting and gathering, slash-and-burn cultivation and livestock herding, all combined with temporary employment as unskilled labors (digging wells or ditches, carrying soil, breaking stone or road construction).
Every Veddah man carried a bow and arrows (“tudaāi” – a number of arrows carried). For fletching used the feathers of the forest eagle owl (Huhua nipalensis), hawk-eagle (Spiraetus nipalensis kelaartii) and crested honey buzzard (Pernis apivorus ruficollis) (Stegeborn 1993), but also the feathers of peacocks, herons and hawks were used (Bailey 1863). The bow and arrows made up the characteristic weapon of the Veddahs. The bow was of the simple type – the double bend bow or the cross bow was not known to the Veddahs. The bows were made of peeled and shaved saplings of the “kobbe” tree (Allophylus cobbe) and bow-strings were made from the inner cortex of the “aralui” bark (Terminalia chebula). Arrow shafts must be straight and light so welan wood perfectly suited this purpose. Today the bow and arrows are almost only used for instructing and training young boys.
The Veddahs have learnt the use of the spring noose, dead fall and trap gun (Spittel 1957). Fish were caught and eaten when other food is scarce. The commonest method of catching the fish was to bale the water. A section of the stream was banked and the fish were stupefied by muddying or poisoning the water. The poison-bearing material was crushed and thrown into the pool or banked waterways. The water was stirred and as it got stained the fish become restless and stupefied. The fish leaped on the bank or fleet on the surface with belly upwards. Then it was easily collected (Spittel 1957). The fish could have also been dried over a trestle.
Sling, bow and arrows
According to Knox, those Veddah who need a new arrow, should bring a deer flesh or honey to the blacksmith, and also a leaf “cut in the form they will have their arrows made”. Knox described the traditional method of preserving flesh: by putting flesh with honey in the hollow of the tree and stopping the hollow by the clay. Very interesting is the description of customs of giving hunting dogs with young girls while marriages, and traditions of leaving homes by Sinhalese to live with Veddah (Knox 1681). The steel heads of the axes were obtained from the local blacksmiths by bartering skins, honey and meat. So are the other steel implements such as arrow-heads, areca-nut cutters and strike-a-light obtained. No other cutting implement or knife was used.
Near the hunting trap
For trapping they employed poles, sticks, twigs and strings made from the bark of the “riti” tree (Antiaris innoxia). In 20
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The summer dry season is the principal collecting time. Both women and men gathered. After a rain, mushrooms spread in the old chenas. Medicinal herbs are also collected by the family of the medicine-man. Only men hunted and trapped large animals; women snared small animals and birds. The spotted deer, the Asian sambhur deer (Cervus unicolor) and wild boar were favorite game animals. Monkeys, langurs, mouse deer, pangolins, mangoose, hares, monitor lizards were also taken (Stegeborn 1999). Wanniyala-aetto were not found of eating birds, neither wild nor domesticated. Notes (1901) mentioned that Wanniyala-aetto didn’t eat buffalo and porcupine, but Wiweca Stegeborn (1993) named porcupine in the list of the game they hunted. No one hunted elephants. Monkey skin was also used to make a betel pouch.
Once an animal was killed, there were many chores to accomplish. A large animal was chopped up and smoked to lighten the burden of carrying it back to the hamlet. Firewood needed to be collected, smoking tables needed to be constructed and the meat was sliced into thin strips. With a large animal such as sambhur, the butchering and smoking might have taken twelve to eighteen hours.
Sometimes close collaboration is required by several men to butcher and carry the game back home. Large parties formed if the resources were plentiful as for example when the trees were heavy with “mora” (Niphelium longana) and tamarind berries (Dialium ovideum).
In the dry season, tree blossom and bees are active. The men searched for honey and beeswax, principal items of trade. The favorite bees were the “Apis indica” and the “Apis dorsata”. Wanniyala-aetto had secret places, passed from generation to generation, where they went to collect honey and beeswax. They also collected barks (which used to make cloth bags), sap and resins, while women gathered medicinal herbs, leaves, berries and nuts, most of which were sold to Sinhalese pedlars. Honey was also a useful medium for barter with the Moor traders and the neighboring villagers. The Sinhalese use it for medical purposes (Wijesekera 1964). The Veddahs eat the larvae and wax with the honey.